Epigraphy and the Information Technology Revolution

Prof. S. Panciera (Rome) in his introductory remarks expresses his willingness and enthusiasm in embracing the IT Revolution and applying it to the study of inscriptions. At the same time, however, he shows frustration and disappointment for the slowness with which the work proceeds and for the lack of agreement in aims and methods to follow. In fact, while it is appreciable that there are many individual projects, it is nonetheless essential to work in collaboration with each other. Standardisation is needed!

Elaine Matthews (Oxford) in her paper reproduces a general tracing of the development of IT in many of its applications and explains the introduction of it in epigraphy. The IT revolution is nothing new; it is at least sixty years old and classicists’ use of it has a history of some forty years. Individual projects are a reliable testimony of certain activity in the field. Some early projects are mentioned, such as the David W. Packard’s 1968 Concordance to Livy and the TLG online. More recent exploitations of technology applied for in the Classical world include EpiDoc and LGPN. At the end of her reconstruction of the history of the IT Revolution, E. Matthews stresses the importance of IT in the future of epigraphy. This, she explains, does not mean that every single epigrapher has to have technical knowledge, but it does mean that someone must engage with the technology!

John Bodel (Brown University) is the second and last speaker of this plenary session. In tune with Prof. Panciera and Elaine Matthews, he emphasises the importance of embracing the IT Revolution in the study of inscriptions. It is not a matter of it being necessary or worth it but inevitable! The IT Revolution has indeed already touched the world of epigraphy. A pioneer in digital epigraphy was D. Packard (Concordance to Livy, 1968). Packard’s mark-up system, known as Beta Code, was then adopted by the TLG in 1981 and quickly established itself as the standard means of encoding polytonic Greek. These early initiatives were important for raising general awareness of the potentials of computers. J. Bodel defines our days as “the age of digital epigraphy”. There have been many important advances in digital epigraphy during the last decade that can lead us towards a more optimistic vision of the future. Three broad areas have been particularly touched: 1) Databases. – EAGLE (Collaboration among three projects: Heidelberg, Rome, Bari). The federation is open and recently a fourth initiative has been welcomed into the community, namely HISPANIA EPIGRAPHICA ONLINE. 2) Images. The use of technology can provide high quality at relatively low cost images. – X ray fluorescence imaging. – Polynomial texture mapping. – GRAVA. 3) Editing. – EpiDoc. Two pilot projects are “The Vindolanda Tablets online” and “Inscriptions of Aphrodisias”. Recently the EpiDoc system has been adopted in papyrology and numismatics as well. We now have all the tools we need to perform efficiently and the potential benefits to epigraphers of the new information technology are widely recognised!

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Seminars of interest to epigraphers: Manchester

The following seminar titles, selected by title only for potential epigraphic content, exerpted from an email to the British Classicists list:

University of Manchester, Dept of Classics & Ancient History Research Seminars 2007/8, Semester 1

All meetings begin at 5 pm in the Samuel Alexander Building (the old Arts Building), Room S. 1. 2. Everyone is most welcome, also at drinks after the discussion and at the meal with the speaker later on.

Thurs. 27 Sept.
Peter Liddel (Manchester)
‘The decree-cultures of ancient Greece’

Thurs. 4 Oct.
Angelos Chaniotis (Oxford)
‘Petrified emotions: Understanding graffiti in Aphrodisias’

Thurs. 29 Nov.
Kathryn Lomas (UCL)
‘Vicinitas: neighbourhoods, networks and identities in Ciceronian Italy’

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CIEGL XIII: Plenary Session 4, ‘Epigraphy and Government’

John Ma (Corpus Christi College, Oxford), “Greek Epigraphy and the Representation of Authority”, offered a refreshingly ‘outside the box’ lecture revolving around the intricate ways inscriptions represent authority. Authority in inscriptions may be specified (the demos, the body politic, the ruler, an hierarchical chain of command of officials [as in SEG 37.1010], divine power), implied, or even be internal, when the inscribed text poses as a self-fulfilling demonstration of power. The effect is amplified by the choice of an ἐπιφανέστατος τόπος where the inscribed monument is erected. The presence of the inscribed text in a place of preexisting high status and the preeminence and visibility thus achieved entrenches power in two ways: it confirms the power the text evokes and it confirms the power of the text itself. However, one must not forget that this is a power to which the reader may or may not yield. The inscribed text, therefore, is often best seen as a form of social magic, a contract with the eventual reader; in other words, a magic of consent. The inscribed text, naturally, attempts to hide its actual impotence by concentrating on its projected authority; this is another reminder for epigraphers that philological expertise is hardly enough to help us understand inscriptions without the use of our sense of historical realities and our sense of discourse.

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CIEGL XIII: Thematic panel 2.3, ‘The Epigraphy of Macedonia’

M. B. Hatzopoulos (Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, Athens), “An Old and New Inscription from Mieza: the Constitution of Extensive Landed Properties in the Central Macedonian Plain and the Question of λαοί in Hellenistic Macedonia” dealt with the creation of large estates in Macedonia. It was already well-known that extensive estates were a common feature of the Central Macedonian Plain in Roman times. A new fragment of the already known list of deeds of sale from Mieza, allows us to see how such large estates were created. All ten deeds of sale (actually copies of the official deeds set up by the owner himself) concern acquisitions of land by a certain Zopyros over a period of three years; all parcels of land bought by him were apparently situated in the same area, the northern part of the territory of Mieza; Zopyros obviously attempted to form a continuous extended property, probably larger than the great royal donations in the New Lands. How was such an estate exploited? The general consensus has been that laoi, dependent farmers attached to the land were not and could not be attested in Antigonid Macedonia. However, the well-attested royal practice of transferring populations should have led to caution; now, a new unpublished decree of Kyrrhos explicitly mentions laoi in early-third-century Macedonia.

Cédric Brélaz (École Française d’Athènes), “La langue des indigènes sur le territoire de la colonie romaine de Philippes”, drew attention to the fact that in Philippi, in contrast with the majority of Roman colonies in Greece, where the prevailing language outside the small circle of colonists is Greek, there are several inscriptions of the incolae in Latin. Since practically all such Latin inscriptions belong to persons of Thracian origin, the speaker convincingly argued that the appeal of Latin to these populations was due to the lesser degree of hellenization in the territory of Philippi. This relative appeal of Latin is also attested in other insufficiently hellenized Roman colonies of the Greek East.

Slavica Babamova-Janik (Institute for National History, Skopje), “Personal names of the inhabitants of eastern Paeonia in the Roman period”, dealt with the onomastics of eastern Paeonia. A perusal of old and new inscriptions led her to the conclusion that many names of that area which have been characterized as Thracian should be considered epichoric, part of the local substratum of the Balkan peninsula.

Manuela Mari (Università degli Studi di Cassino), “Epigraphic evidence on the cults of Amphipolis”, provided a full overview of all sources on the cults of Amphipolis. Three main features emerged: a) remnants of the city’s Athenian past persisted into much later periods; b) the number of cults is surprisingly high, surely a testimony to the city’s cosmopolitan and religiously open-minded character; c) personality cult (primarily, but not exclusively, royal cult) was particularly popular.

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Review of Marek, Inschriften von Kaunos

In BMCR 2007.09.11 is a review of:

Christian Marek (ed.), Die Inschriften von Kaunos. Vestigia, 55.   München:  C.H. Beck, 2006.  Pp. 416; ills. 240, maps 3.  ISBN 978-3-406-55074-4.  €100.70.

Reviewed by Filippo Canali De Rossi, Rome

The review of this major publication concludes with the following summary and the final interesting comment:

Per concludere: si tratta certamente di un volume importante, sia per la eccellente pubblicazione di una grande quantità di rilevante materiale inedito, che per la presentazione di un quadro documentario completo, finalizzato ad una ricostruzione globale della storia della città, la quale si trova a fungere da cerniera fra mondi diversi (la Caria e la Licia, i Greci e i Persiani, gli Antigonidi e i Tolemei, i Rodii ed Eumene, fino all’arrivo dei Romani).

L’opera di Louis Robert, a cui l’autore si ispira, è certamente un modello più facile da ammirare che da imitare, ma egli in ogni caso è riuscito a produrre un ottimo lavoro, combinando una efficienza tipicamente teutonica con una più che valida erudizione.

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CIEGL XIII, Plenary Session 5: ‘Display and Paedagogy’

Susan Walker (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford) introduced this session with some remarks about the difficulties involved in persuading administrators to take the display of inscriptions seriously, especially within a large museum environment such as the British Museum. Yet both papers sounded encouraging notes in this session.

Isabel Rodà de Llanza (Catalan Institute of Classical Archaeology, Barcelona) in a presentation entitled “Exposicíon de inscripciones” surveyed recent evolutions of the idea of the epigraphic museum, using the evidence of colloquia on the subject and newly conceived or renovated museums. She suggested that some of the best museums were those that presented an integrated view of a few monuments in context, as opposed to those that attempted to offer an integral display of an entire epigraphic collection. Praise was also extended to museums that now make use of multimedia displays, such as the Musée d’archéologie et d’histoire de Montréal.

Charalambos Kritzas (Epigraphical Museum, Athens), “Teaching with Inscriptions: Beyond the Alphabet”, took as a starting point his role as director of the best collection of inscriptions in Greece. He focused on the elaboration of teaching and interactive displays at the Epigraphical Museum and also singled out the local museums of Rhodes and Chios that have recently been made more accessible and attractive to visitors. Kritzas seemed on the whole to agree with Rodà de Llanza’s acclaim of the ‘integrated’ epigraphic collection, and he concluded with a description of possibly the best example of the genre: the Museum of Byzantine Culture in Thessaloniki.

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CIEGL XIII, Thematic Panel 3.1: ‘Athenian Religion and Society’

Julia Shear (University of Glasgow), “Herakleitos of Athmonon, Antigonos Gonatas, and the Panathenaia”, discussed the Athenian decree honouring Herakleitos of Athmonon, IG II(2) 677 (early 250’s BC). She argued, not entirely convincingly, that while most Hellenistic kings were allowed to contribute gifts personally to the Panathenaia, Antigonos Gonatas was unable to do so at the time of this decree and thus had Herakleitos make a donation on his behalf. Since only citizens and allies of Athens were allowed to participate in the festival, it would seem that Antigonos did not have such a status until ca. 255 BC, at which time he was granted citizenship according to Shear (using the evidence of I. Rhamnous 7.2-10 and IG II(2) 793.8-11, both decrees honouring Antigonos).

Delphine Ackermann (Université de Neuchâtel) presented a paper entitled “Le règlement religieux d’Aixonè: quelques réflections sur l’organisation du culte et le panthéon d’un dème de l’Attique”, a preliminary version of a new edition that will be included as an appendix in her dissertation on the deme of Aixone. The fascinating sacred law from Aixone (mod. Glyphada) has most recently been edited, with new fragments, by G. Steinhauer “Hieros Nomos Aixoneon”, in A.P. Matthaiou and G.E. Malochou (eds.) Attikai Epigraphai: Praktika Symposiou eis mnemen Adolf Wilhelm (1864-1950), Athens 2004, 155-173. Ackermann offered a synopsis of the various offerings to numerous deities which are catalogued in this sacred law and convincingly argued that this variety demonstrates that the inscription is a deme document, almost certainly from Aixone itself, and not the product of a phratry or genos, groups which had narrower pantheons. She proposed a few new interpretations of the context of the inscription, most notably, that the 5 drachmai allotted to each priest and priestess cannot be considered a sacrificial tariff since the amount largely exceeds all other known tariffs, and that this amount must instead be thought of as a ‘base salary’ for the priests (similarly the sum of 3 drachmai, which is granted in some cases for the sacrifice of a heuston teleon, would have been a supplement to this base salary).

Marietta Horster (Humboldt University, Berlin) in a paper entitled “(Self-)Representation of Priests and Priestesses in Fourth-Century Athens” catalogued the public recognition of priests and priestesses: known decrees honour almost exclusively foreigners in the fourth century. She also surveyed the evidence for private representation: votive offerings and funerary momuments, which were set up by Athenian priests and priestesses, not foreigners, but very few of them issue from a known cultic family or gene. Further implications of these findings remained unclear for the time being.

Catherine Keesling (George Washington University) delivered a very interesting paper entitled “Syeris, Diakonos of the Priestess Lysimache on the Athenian Acropolis (IG II[2] 3464)”. Through detailed comparison with other examples, she clearly demonstrated that this inscription must be a pillar type A base for a statue (using Raubitschek’s classification), with the capital of the pillar base missing. This usefully accounts for the difference in letterforms found on the inscription which had confused some of the earlier editors: lines 1-4 could have been originally inscribed on the capital and then reinscribed in the 3rd century BC or later, after the loss of the capital. The remaining lines seem to date to the 4th century BC, as is also confirmed by comparing the sculptor of the statue, Nikomachos, with other signatures of the same name: IG II(2) 4274 (4th century) and IG II(2) 3038 (a choregic monument dated to 364/3). Keesling is thus able to convincingly conclude that the Syeris honoured in IG II(2) 3464 must have been the diakonos of the famous Lysimache, the long-serving priestess of Athena Polias (IG II2 3453), whom David Lewis identified as the inspiration for Lysistrata (Selected Papers in Greek and Near Eastern History, ed. P.J. Rhodes, Cambridge 1997, 187-202).

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Giulia Baratta (Universita’ di Macerata, Italy) – “L’Epigrafia nei contesti archeologici”

Giulia Baratta focused her attention on the marginal role and inadequacy that affect inscriptions in museums and archaeological sites. An average tourist is resonably more attracted by a monument, in particular if iconographically rich, than an inscribed stone written in an almost incomprehensible language, it being Greek, Latin or any ancient language. In fact, a statue is more accessibly amusing than a few inscribed lines. A better attention on the epigraphic material is needed by the people in charge of the organisation of museums and archaeological sites in order to stimulate the interest of tourists and non-specialists. Some “shameful” examples of bad use and display of inscriptions are given (eg. Rome, Pompei, Lyon): inscriptions are abandoned in corners, put in a non accessible and legible area, without captions, comments and translations. Often inscriptions are a crucial part of monuments and their knowledge could offer a better understanding of the monuments themselves; however, all the interest of the tourist is focused on the monument since that is where the attention is driven.

Giulia Baratta’s paper is an observation on the unfair role given to inscriptions within archaeological areas. This point of view is shared by Antonio Santori (Universita’ di Milano, Italy) who gave a paper in the same session, “Museographia Epigraphica”, entitled “La comunicazione epigrafica e l’epigrafia comunicata”. His advice is to use a considerable number of inscriptions and create a separate area for them within a museum, a sort of “epigraphic gallery”. The inscriptions should be cleaned properly and lit with a good, possibly individual, light. In order to be more accessible to people, they should also have a quite detailed and clear caption with description and translation.

In general, both papers show big disappointment for the very limited role and scarce importance given to inscriptions in museums and archaeological sites.

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CIEGL XIII: Plenary Session 3, ‘Epigraphy and the Ancient Population’

The two lectures of this session dealt with (mostly Roman) demography and identity (mostly of rural Asia Minor).

Walter Scheidel (Stanford), “Epigraphy and Demography: Birth, marriage, family and death”, presented an overview of the advances in demographic studies, mostly on the Roman empire. Although no useable information on fertility is provided by epigraphy, inscriptions allow us to affirm that there is a spike in the number of births in January, just as in the premodern Mediterranean. They also allow an analysis of the age of marriage. They confirm that the nuclear family is, by far, the key social bond in urban environments, although more extended families are attested in the countryside. The sex ratio of inscriptions (the attested number of men per 100 attested women) is often exceptionally high in the epigraphic data, due to epigraphic habits rather than demographic realities. Mortality rates, contrary to the older consensus, cannot be deduced by the dates recorded in epitaphs. There are, however, data on seasonal mortality: the late summer / early autumn was a dangerous period of the year in Rome, while comparison with some other major cities, where no observable pattern in seasonal mortality is observed, allows the assumption that they were healthier places to live in than the capital of the empire.

Scheidel’s working paper can be found here (pdf).

Christoph Schuler (Kommission für Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik, Munich), “Inscriptions and the identity of population groups: case studies from the countryside”, studied the connection between epigraphy and the identity of rural population in Roman Asia Minor. Taking the middle road between two opposite views (the countryside as a world apart – the countryside as an integral part of the city), the speaker used a variety of evidence ­–dedications to local manifestations of weather gods, archaeological evidence from rural sanctuaries, atonement inscriptions– in a convincing attempt to show how epigraphy and the rural sense of identity are interrelated; how pride in the local cult is portrayed through epigraphy, thus further reinforcing the sense of distinct identity.

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CIEGL XIII: Thematic Panel 2.2, ‘The Epigraphy of Greek Cult’

Marijana Ricl (University of Belgrade), in “Neokoroi in the Greek World”, outlined the function of these cultic officials as temple wardens and sometimes as replacements for priests, drawing on a large number of inscriptions. She argued that in most contexts the terms zakoros and neokoros seem to refer to the same function. Yet it was apparent that a more detailed study of neokoroi would need to compare and contrast these officials with neopoiai and other groups of cultic officials.

Beate Dignas (Somerville College, University of Oxford) surveyed a few inscriptions recording foundations of new cults in “How to Found a Cult: Epigraphic Manifestations”, notably F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées des cités grecques 129 (Anaphe) and 180 (Paros). Many interesting issues raised by this paper remain to be developed further, such as the distinction between individual and public motivations for a foundation as well as the involvement of foreigners in founding new cults and enhancing local forms of religious practice.

A paper by Eran Lupu (George Washington University), “Of Priests and Snouts: The Snout as a Priestly Prerogative in Greek Cult Regulations”, was read in absentia by the author’s wife, Catherine Keesling. Snouts were considered a refreshingly entertaining subject by the Oxford audience, yet they are only seldom attested in sacred laws: F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées d’Asie mineure 21.5-6 (Erythrai) and 54.4 (Didyma), and possibly Lois sacrées des cités grecques 151.B.20 (Kos) where the restoration is not certain. Lupu suggested that the uncertain mention of an akrokolion, ‘extremity’, in a fragmentary sacred law, I. Ephesos 1263, may refer to a snout, but Lois sacrées d’Asie mineure 54 shows that this could not have always been the case, since it distinguishes between akrokolia and snouts. Various literary sources collected in Athenaeus 3.48 demonstrate that snouts were prized delicacies.

Maria Paz de Hoz (University of Salamanca), in “Confession Inscriptions and Other Testimonies of Aretalogy in the Greek World”, discussed several inscriptions from G. Petzl, Die Beichtinschriften Weskleinasiens, EA 22 (1994), and from P. Herrmann and H. Malay, New Documents from Lydia, TAM 24 Suppl. (Vienna 2007). Classifying confession inscriptions as aretalogical texts, she stressed that the main aim of these inscriptions was to publicize the power of gods to punish human transgressions (dunamis), over and beyond any notion of benevolent divine power. In the case of the texts from Maionia in Lydia, she argued that the “receding economical power of the sanctuaries as well as the loss of influence [of these sanctuaries] on the community”–factors perhaps tied to the rise of Christianity–led priestly officials to foster the practice of erecting these inscriptions.

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CIEGL XIII: Thematic Panel 1.2, ‘Greek Inscriptions and Warfare’

After an introduction by Patrick Bakker (Université de Laval, Québec), which gave a brief overview of this “old yet always new” subject, there were four speakers in this very diverse panel:

Filippo Canali de Rossi (Liceo Scientifico Talete, Rome) gave a paper entitled “Achaean Military Support for Rome: A New Interpretation”, with the aim of clarifying the dating of Moretti, ISE 60. This inscription records the support lended by Achaean cities during a Roman campaign led by Gnaius Domitius (Ahenobarbus) against the Galatians. There are two possible identifications of the leader of this expedition, the consuls of 192 BC and 122 BC respectively. Adducing the evidence of SIG(3) 606, which records a dedication by Achaean mercenaries of a statue of Attalos II at Pergamon ca. 190 BC as a result of a campaign in Lydia, Canali de Rossi presented the hypothesis that the two military expeditions were linked and that the earlier date of ca. 192 BC for ISE 60 must be preferred.

Jean-Christophe Couvenhes (Université de Tours) presented a preliminary report on his work in preparing a corpus of Greek inscriptions which mention troops devoted to civic and territorial defense in Attica: “Péripoloi, kryptoi et hypaithroi dans la défense de l’Attique: permanence civique, influence royale”. He outlined in some detail the historical development of these various groups, which succeeded one another: peripoloi and peripolarchoi (generally from the end of the 5th century to ca. 332/280 BC), kryptoi (‘covert’ units, 287-229 BC), and hypaithroi (non-garrisoned troops, from 229 to probably the end of the 1st century BC). The question of the influence that Hellenistic kings may have had on these developments was briefly raised.

Henri-Louis Fernoux (Université de Bourgogne, Dijon), in “Représentations et faits de guerre dans cités grecques d’Asie mineure à l’époque impérial à travers le témoignage de l’épigraphie”, offered an account of the evolution of warfare in Asia Minor during the centuries of Roman imperial peace. Local conflicts between neighbouring cities such as Nikaia and Nikomedeia, illustrated by sometimes rich epigraphical dossiers (cf. L. Robert, “La titulature de Nicée et de Nicomédie: la gloire et la haine,” HSCP 81, 1977, 1-39 = OMS VI, Paris 1989, 211-249), show that warfare took place mostly on a psychological and covert level, and that effective ‘faits de guerre’ were few and far between.

Eduard Rung (University of Kazan), in “Diplomacy of Classical Greece and the Inscriptions”, presented a general overview of the large number of inscribed treaties of alliance (symmachia) between Greek cities which date from the 5th and 4th centuries BC. He is preparing a new study of these inscriptions.

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CIEGL XIII: Thematic Panel 1.1, ‘Public Inscriptions of Classical and Hellenistic Athens: IG II3 and History, Chronology, Location’

The first thematic panel of Monday included communications on diplomatic (Lambert) and political (Scafuro) practice and chronology (Tracy). Simone Follet, who was also scheduled to offer a communication, was unable to attend.

Stephen Lambert (Cardiff University), “The Shape of Athenian External Relations 352/1-322/1: the Perspective of the Inscribed Decrees”, offered an overview of trends and patterns in Athenian foreign policy during the third quarter of the third century BC, based on his work for the forthcoming fascicle of IG II3. He observed that, as expected, few treaties or decrees honouring cities survive from the period between the battle of Chaironeia and the Lamian war. This should not be taken to imply, however, that diplomatic activity itself had diminished; honorific decrees for individual foreigners testify to the contrary. From now on, there is an increasing emphasis on diplomacy through the mediation of individuals.

Stephen Tracy (ASCSA, Athens), “- -sinos, A New Archon of Athens”, presented an unpublished inscription from the Library of Hadrian (inv. no. BA 457), read and restored by Paraskevi Bardani. This ephebic catalogue’s main interest lies in the certain mention of a new third-century BC Athenian archon, whose name (in the genitive) ends in [—]σίνου (perhaps [Τελε]σίνου). Letter-type, parallels in the disposition of the catalogue, possible prosopographical connections and the few remaining gaps in the Athenian archon-list led the speaker to a tentative dating in the late 260’s.

Adele Scafuro (Brown University), “A Crown for the Asking: Athenian Requests to Honor Athenians, the Epigraphical Evidence: 337/6-279 B.C.”, dealt with requests by Athenian citizens for honours, especially in the context of an office they held. First, she examined the relative terminology (paralleled by the one used for verbal reports in front of the Council or the Assembly). Then, she focussed on procedure, especially in cases where honours were voted before the honorand’s service was concluded. She argued that the procedure was simpler than previously assumed: the honorand went through the euthyna after his term of office and was only then allowed to have the decree in his honour inscribed; since the document he had in his possession was the original one, voted before his service was concluded, the inscribed text still includes the –now irrelevant– phrase “… after he goes through the euthyna”. Finally, the speaker tentatively suggested that Clinton, I. Eleusis no 95 (IG II2 1191), a text problematic in several details, includes the honorand’s request for honours.

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